As far as reputation is concerned, the party that violates this agreement will in future be considered unreliable and less likely to sign credible agreements with it. These costs are real for the UK government, which sees itself as a credible international deal-maker, but also for other de decentralised regions where deployment could be even higher (Northern Ireland). But they are also real for the Scottish Government, which is trying to present itself as a sovereign government, which is waiting for those who are trying to convince it to vote for independence, but also for states and external organisations (see EU debates). Reputation costs are increased by having an agreement with clear obligations that leave as little room for ambiguity as possible, and also by making them public with great fanfare. The public signing of the agreement by two governments increases the cost of reputational violations, but also extends these costs to future governments in the UK or Scotland if one of these governments changes before all commitments are implemented and attempts to change attitudes (which can never be completely ruled out). This dynamic of reciprocity and prestige may also explain why a British government, which had something to lose from the symbolism of the “treaty” of the common signature of the government, was happy to approve it. It should first provide its main page of the good deal – Section 30 Order – and then it must rely on confidence to fulfil important commitments of the Scottish Government. The Edinburgh Agreement includes a main agreement signed on behalf of the Scottish Government by Prime Minister David Cameron, Scottish Secretary of State Michael Moore and First Minister Alex Salmond and Deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon. This main agreement outlines in broad terms the principles to which both governments have committed themselves – rather, it is a “declaration of principles” that gives more detailed commitments (see the similar structure of peace agreements in the Middle East!). This preliminary agreement is accompanied by a Memorandum of Understanding and a draft of Section 30, which are part of the front-piece agreement “part of this agreement”. From a technical point of view, therefore, the “Edinburgh Convention” covers all three documents. In the agreement, both governments agreed that the referendum should be overseen by an impartial electoral commission. The Commission would comment on the text of the issue, register activists, appoint leading activists, regulate campaign spending and finances, provide grants to campaign organisations, develop guidelines for referendum participants, report on the referendum process, conduct the survey and announce the results.
 On Monday 15 October 2012, in a solemn ceremony, the First Minister of the British Government and the First Minister of the Scottish Parliament publicly signed a document entitled “Agreement between the Uk Government and the Scottish Government on a referendum on Scottish independence, which is now commonly known (at least in Scotland) as the “Edinburgh Agreement” (see the former Wing Office for the Review of its Contents).